AP® Comparative Government and Politics

Sample Lesson - Introduction

Lesson 5.05: Cleavages: The Spice of Life

Just like these parliamentarians in the 1970s, women in Iran can still run for office…they just can't show their ankles.
(Source)

Most Iranians have always felt a strong sense of identity with their Persian heritage, which makes sense to us—in fact, "Persia" wasn't renamed "Iran" until the 1930s. Iranians mainly identify as Persian and speak Farsi, which sets them apart from their neighbors in the Middle East, who are predominately Arab and speak Arabic. This, compounded with the fact that Iran is a Shi'ite, not Sunni, state, gives Iranians a strong sense of national identity, perhaps even stronger than that that of other Islamic states.

But, not all Iranians identify as Persian, or Shi'ite, or even share the same sense of national pride as their contemporaries. And, there is plenty of religious and ideological diversity that serves as a source of tension in Iranian life. But, this diversity also enhances Iran's rich culture. In fact, if cleavages are the spice of life, then Iran—just like the other states in the Big Six--is a well-seasoned dish. So, what are the ingredients?

• Tension between minority ethnic groups like the Azeris and the Kurds.
• Discrimination against religions minorities, including against other Iranian-born religions like Baha'i and Zoroastrianism.
• Fewer protections and opportunities for women, coupled with strict prohibitions against women in certain public places and professions.
• Political rifts between those who think Iran should be secular, a market economy, both, or neither.
• Increasing unrest amongst Iran's largest population: its youth.
• Economic stratification between the very wealthy and the very poor.

Sure, sometimes things can get a little heated. But, like we always say, what's life without a pepper to spice things up?

Sample Lesson - Reading

Reading 5.5.05a: Separatists and Sharia

Ethnicity and National Identity

Over a dozen different ethnic minorities represent over one third of Iran's total population. The divisions between ethnic Persian Shi'ites and these minorities, who are often marginalized, is the source of political and social tension.

One of these groups, the Azeri make up at least 16 percent of Iran's population, though some estimates suggest they make up as much as 25 percent of the total population. Most Azeri live in northern Iran, by Turkey and the Republic of Azerbaijan, where there are also large concentrations of Azeri people. In fact, the Azeri closely identify with Azerbaijan, an Azeri state that gained its independence after the collapse of the Soviet Union.

Like the Persians, the Azeri generally practice Shi'ism. But, they have a distinct culture and language, which is related to Turkish. The Azeri are largely integrated into Iranian society, but they have definitely faced more than their fair share of discrimination. One ongoing controversy is the fact that Azeri Turkish isn't taught at Iranian schools; in fact, the Azeri are often prohibited from speaking their native language at all while at school.

In 2006, a wave of protests shut down Tehran after a newspaper published an offensive cartoon depicting an Azeri as a cockroach. The protests were the worst ethnic demonstrations Iran had seen since the 1979 revolution, and suggested a growing nationalist movement among the Azeri. But, we've read the tea leaves (e.g., read a few annoyingly long, jargon-filled political science essays), and it doesn't look like the Iranian government has any intention of granting the Azeri more autonomy anytime soon.

Kurds the Word

Another source of ethnic conflict in Iran stems from its relationship with the Kurds, an ethnic minority that makes up around ten percent of Iran's population.

Like the Azeri, the Kurds also speak their own language, Kurdish, and have a unique cultural identity. But, unlike the Azeri, the Kurds are predominately Sunni, which undoubtedly heightens the tension between the Kurds and the Shi'ite Persian majority. The Kurds are actually one world's largest ethnic group without a state to call their own, which must be tough. No joke, it's hard to be persecuted and not also have a safe space where you can get away from all the haters.

In 1979, when the Islamic Republic of Iran was just a wee little thing, the Kurds actually launched a separatist movement against the new state. With guns and stuff. Initially, they managed to take control of parts of northwestern Iran, but the military cracked down pretty hard because, well, that's what militaries do. But, throughout the 1980s and 1990s, many Kurds continued to fight for an independent state—some peacefully, and others not so much.

Iran's government has grown increasingly wary over movements for Kurdish independence in neighboring states, particularly in Iraq and Syria. But, unlike their neighbors, Iranian Kurds seem to have mixed feelings about total independence. For sure, some remain skeptical they'll ever really feel integrated into Iranian society and are hopeful the movements in Iraq and Syria will spread to Iran. Others, though, are hopeful that reforms under Rouhani will lead to increased autonomy and a bigger say in Iranian politics.

The Seven Winds of Balochistan

Another of Iran's ethnic groups, the Baloch (or Baluch) , make up just shy of two percent of Iran's population. About 25 percent of the world's Baloch population lives in Iran; the rest are primarily concentrated in Iran's neighbors, Pakistan and Afghanistan. Most of Iran's Baloch people live in the Balochistan Province in the southeast, which makes sense because it's called Balochistan, for Pete's sake.

The Baloch primarily speak Rakhshani Bolochi, which is thought to have originated in Iran. Most Baloch are Sunni Muslim, which may contribute to their sense of marginalization within greater Iran. Traditionally, the Baloch are tribal and nomadic—many tribes live in Iran's mountainous regions, which are scarce in resources. As a consequence, Baloch tribes contend with some pretty fierce intertribal competition, because, you know, if your tribe doesn't claim what little food is available, you die. Today, though, many Baloch are settled in agrarian villages, where they herd livestock, like camels and goats.

Sidenote: It can't be easy to herd goats, because they like to hang out in trees. How do they get up there? We don't know. How do they get down? We don't know. All we know is that Balochi farmers have their work cut out for them, because goats in trees.

Balochistan is widely considered one of the most isolated and underdeveloped regions of Iran. It's arid and windy and gets little rainfall. In fact, it's so windy in Balochistan that they've actually named the winds: Levar, Qousse, Nambi, Hooshak, Sneezy, Grumpy, and Doc.

The Baloch have complained of discrimination in Iran—few Sunnis hold positions within the Iranian government, and the Baloch don't generally have access to state-sponsored education or media in their native language. The Balochistan National Party, a political movement in Iran, has sought greater rights for the Boloch people, including increased devolution to the region. They aren't beyond using violence in their quest for autonomy, and are no doubt influenced by the heightened Baloch conflict in neighboring Pakistan.

But, Iran's centralized government makes it hard for the BNP to achieve its goals—Tehran generally doesn't like giving up its power. Still, the Iranian government has taken some steps to encourage development in the Balochistan Province. Namely, it created the Chabar Free Trade Zone which, much like the Free Trade Zones of China, was designed to loosen trade restrictions in order to bolster the region's economy through international trade.

To learn more about the Azeri, Kurds, Balochi, and other ethnic groups in Iran, check out this primer from the United States Institute of Peace. Take some notes as you go, about stuff like

• the impact of ethnicity in Iran's elections;
• the government's treatment of activists;
• how events outside Iran's borders have contributed to increasing nationalism;
• how the government responds to the Baluchis, Arabs, and Lors; and
• the nexus between religion and ethnicity in Iran's ethnic cleavages.

Baha'i Bye, Baby

Let's play a little game we like to call two truths and a lie. We're going to make three statements: two of them will be true, one of them will be a lie, and it's your job to figure out which are which.

1. The Islamic Republic of Iran is an Islamic theocracy.
2. The Islamic Republic of Iran is Shi'ite.
3. Iran doesn't permit citizens to practice any religion other than Islam.

If you guessed that the lie was 3), good on you. Admittedly, we made it kind of easy on you by putting them in order: two truths, then the lie. But, still. Gold star.

It's definitely true that around 90 percent of Iran's population identifies as Shi'a. But, nearly 10 percent identify as Sunni, and a whopping 0.7 percent identify as Baha'i, Christian, Jewish, Zoroastrian, or something totally different (Source). That might not seem like a ton of religious diversity, and it's not. It's only 0.7 percent.

It's enough religious diversity, though, that the Iranian constitution recognizes and offers protection to specific religions—namely, Christians, Jews, and Zoroastrians. The constitution also mandates that Jews and Zoroastrians each get one seat in the Majlis, and Christians get three seats. Out of 290 members, four seats isn't a ton—0.01 percent—but, hey, it's a bone to gnaw on. (Sorry, Baha'is, no bone for you.)

These constitutional protections, though, don't eliminate religious conflict in Iranian society…especially since they're not extended to the Baha'i.

Haven't heard of it? No prob. Baha'i is one of the youngest religions in the world—it was founded in Iran 1863, by Bahá'u'lláh. Basically, a young Iranian dude named The Báb proclaimed that a messenger from God—the latest prophet after Moses, Jesus, and Muhammad—would show up soon. Sure enough, Bahá'u'lláh was born soon afterward.

Baha'i is monotheistic, and believes in a single God similar to the one of the Abrahamic faiths. However, followers of Baha'i believe in manifestations of God, namely, that God reveals himself to people throughout history in the form of Divine Messengers. The guiding principle of Baha'i is unity, or the belief that people should work together for the common good. According to the Baha'i, there is only one real religion, which makes it universalizing. But, the Baha'i also believe that all the different religions in the world are valid, and are just different, equally acceptable interpretations of the same reality.

The Baha'i have had a rough go of it in Iran, both historically and in contemporary society. Because they aren't extended the same constitutional protections as other religions, the practice of Baha'i is effectively criminalized. Baha'i complain that they are routinely denied business licenses and jobs, prevented from taking leadership (or any) positions within the government, and are deprived of access to higher education.

And, the government has used the judicial system to stifle Baha'i practice in Iran. In the last decade, the government has arrested over 800 Baha'i, on charges such as posing a threat to national security, engaging in propaganda efforts, and espionage. In 2008, the Baha'i Seven, a group of seven (der) Baha'i leaders, were arrested for similar reasons, though analysts widely regard these charges as spurious and instead believe they were arrested for their faith. (Yeah, they're still in prison.)

Unlike the Baha'i, Christians, Jews, and Zoroastrians all have a degree of constitutional protection, though they all face religious persecution. For example, Christians who aren't tied to an ethnic group, mainly Protestants and Evangelicals, don't have representation in the Majlis and are often persecuted for proselytizing. The reason? Conversion to any other religion from Islam is treated as heresy under Sharia law. And heresy is one of those crimes that are punishable by death. Yikes. We understand its kind of annoying for a missionary to ring your doorbell during dinnertime, but death is a little extreme.

Iran's Jewish population isn't huge—around 25,000 people—but it's still the second biggest Jewish population in the Middle East, after Israel. While Jews are officially recognized by the government and have the right to practice their religion, there is still conflict between Jews and the religious majority. In the past, the government has arrested, imprisoned, and tried Jews for things like spying for Israel.

Ahmadinejad came under fire from the global media for denying the holocaust and, even more recently, Supreme Leader Khamenei posted a video questioning the veracity of the Holocaust. Understandably, this hasn't exactly endeared Iran to its Israeli neighbors, who see Iran's revisionist leadership as a threat.

The Zoroastrians, too, have a long history of persecution in Iran that dates as far back as the Safavid dynasty. Today, there are around 20,000 Zoroastrians in Iran; in the 1970s, there were around 200,000. That's a dramatic decline over a forty-year period, but it's even more remarkable considering Zoroastrianism used to be the dominant religion in Iran. In the wake of the 1979 Revolution, Zoroastrians were persecuted by the government, which sent them on involuntary suicide missions, denied them access to state universities, and vandalized their temples.

In recent years, though, many young Muslim Iranians have actually adopted Zoroastrian symbols out of solidarity with the Zoroastrian population, and as a means to identify with their Zoroastrian roots.

Life for the Ladies

It's easy to assume that Iranian women are totally deprived of all rights in Iran, but the reality paints a pretty different picture. It's true that women do not have equal protection under the law; they don't have the same rights when it comes to marriage, divorce, or child custody. And, there are certain professions, including those in clerical office and sports, that are forbidden to women. Plus, women are required to adhere to a strict dress code, and there are still many public places that women aren't allowed to go.

These rights are often compounded by socioeconomic and geographic status—economically disadvantaged and rural women benefit from far fewer privileges than their wealthy, urbane counterparts.

But, in many ways, Iranian political culture respects and encourages women in civil society. Women have the same voting rights as men (although not all women find it easy to exercise those rights). And, they have the same right to education (although they aren't allowed to study all disciplines). In fact, women currently make up a higher percentage of college students in Iran than men. Go ladies, go.

A Principalist Stand

In spite, or perhaps because, of the fact that the Iranian government doesn't permit political parties, political factions have emerged as one of the state's major divisions. Mostly, these factions take a stand on the age old debate between equality versus freedom, though religion is also a hot topic for debate. So, what are the main political divides in Iran?

(You don't have to answer that question. It was rhetorical, and an obvious, perhaps cheap, literary device employed to establish both suspense and reassurance.)

The main political divide in Iran is between the reformers and the conservatives, who disagree over the role of religion in the state. Iran's reformers enjoy long, secular walks on the beach and hanging out with their friends watching popular American sitcoms. They might be religious in their private lives, but they generally thing there's a little room to separate the law of Islam from the law of the land. A lot of these reformers are quietists, meaning they don't think it's even possible to unite God's law with man's law until the hidden Imam comes out from hiding.

The conservatives, on the other hand, are the people in power now. These folks, who also call themselves principalists, enjoy non-secular walks on the beach and hanging out with their friends reading passages from the Qur'an.They are generally cool with things as they are—according to the conservatives, the tenets of Islam should definitely inform, and supersede, state law. To them, the concept of velayat-e faqih, which requires that the people in power be religious scholars, is critical for ensuring Islamic law is correctly incorporated with the state.

The other main political rift in Iran isn't about religion really at all, but instead centers around economic ideology. In one camp, there are the folks who favor economic liberalization and want to increase trade with the rest of the world. In the other camp, there are the folks who are wary about economic liberalization and who think that privatization is inconsistent with religious law. They are especially skeptical about trading with the West.

It wouldn't be unreasonable to assume that most reformers favor economic liberalization, while most conservatives think liberalization—and, in particular, trade with the West—is the first stop on the highway to doomsday. But, it would be wrong. In reality, the division isn't so clear-cut. Many reformers oppose instituting a total free-market economy, and many conservatives favor it. The moral? Just because you might want the right to hold hands with your boyfriend in public doesn't necessarily mean you want to hold hands with the United States on the trading floor.

Sample Lesson - Reading

Reading 5.5.05b: The Young and the Restless

Of Iran's some 80 million people, over 60 percent are under 30 years old. That's a lot of young people. Unlike the United States' baby boomers, who are all nearing retirement, Iran's baby boomers were born in the 1980s, after the Iranian Revolution. Now, they're in their twenties and they've got things say.

Iran's young people are some of the most politically active in the state and, not surprisingly, they don't always love the conservative stance of the current regime. Youth organizations make up a huge part of civil society in Iran, and many of these organizations are political or activist groups.

In fact, when Iranian youth largely boycotted the 2005 presidential election, Ahmadinejad was able to garner enough support to stick around for a second term. In 2009, though, young people actively participated in the election and overwhelmingly turned out to vote. The youth contingent no doubt contributed to the reformist campaigns of Mir Hossein Mousavi and Mehdi Karroubi. And, when Ahmadinejad won anyway, reformist-minded youth took to the streets to protest what they saw as a rigged election.

Young and Unemployed

No wonder they turned out in such numbers—Iranian youth have a lot on their minds. Unemployment remains an issue that disproportionately impacts Iran's young people. In fact, nearly a quarter of men between the ages of 20 – 24 are unemployed; for women, the numbers are even higher. More than any previous generation, these young people are educated, highly skilled, and super tech savvy; Iran's economy, though, hasn't been able to absorb the huge population influx from the 1980's baby boom.

Because of this pervasive unemployment, Anywhere from 56 – 75 percent of young people between the ages of 25 and 29 still live at home with the 'rents. That's not because they're shiftless or clingy, and it's not even a cultural norm. Instead, these kids want the independence that comes with moving out, but skyrocketing housing costs + scarce job opportunities = a few extra years in the parent's basement. It's a major source of frustration, since it's really annoying to have a bedtime in your twenties.

High rates of unemployment may also lead to a larger social malaise: drug use. Iran struggles with around 2.2 million illegal drug users, most in their twenties and most addicted to narcotics like opium. This number is rising annually, too, and is correlated with high unemployment. Surprisingly, or perhaps not so much, drug use actually became more prevalent after the Iranian Revolution in 1979.

Youth Underground

Another thing that became more prevalent after the 1979 Revolution? Secret sex. Yep, since extramarital sex is now outlawed—as is drinking, dancing, and other unchaste acts like rubbing shoulders with members of the opposite sex—unsanctioned sexual relationships went underground. Secret sex is, for many Iranian youth, an act of political subversion—it's a way to fight against the system without publicly protesting. But, it's also risky, and today many Iranian youth struggle with unplanned pregnancy and sexual transmitted diseases, including AIDS.

Though youth make up a significant part of Iran's population, that won't always be the case. Abortions are technically illegal, but after the baby boom in the 1980s, the government initiated family planning programs that took the average number of children per family down from seven to two. And, since Iranian youth are waiting far longer than the previous generation to marry and have children, analysts predict birthrates will continue to drop. This could require the Iranian government to make some serious policy adjustments in the future, when it's young people—who are at prime working age right now—start to retire.

Take a look at this CNN photo essay about life for Iranian youth. (There's also a brief video worth checking out.) As you read, think about

• how life has improved for Iranian youth as the economy has rebounded;
• ways life might differ for youth based on socioeconomic factors;
• ways American perceptions of Iran have surprised Iranian youth; and
• how youth optimisim is likely to shape Iran's future.

Odorless, Tasteless Gold

Although the 1979 Revolution promised movement toward an egalitarian Iran, many Iranian's today believe the government has yet to fulfill its promises. Huh. Government not fulfilling promises, eh? Seems like there is a universal characteristic amongst all states, after all. (Ooooh. Burn.)

Still, it would be reductive to say that Iran's path toward equality hasn't had some success. And some failure. Some failure and some success. That's kind of how policy works. So, since the Revolution, the government has made strides in improving the overall quality of life for Iran's most economically disadvantaged citizens. But, it's not been as successful in narrowing the gap between Iran's wealthiest citizens and its poorest; in fact, social stratification has arguably widened in the past 40 years as the economy has transitioned from a mostly state-run economy to a mixed one.

Today, income inequality is considered one of Iran's most pervasive social problems. In 2011, for example, the Washington Post highlighted how gold-plated ice cream, at 250 dollars a pop, symbolizes the wealth divide in Iran. Iran's richest citizens, who have benefits from oil windfalls, don't have to think twice about forking over hundreds of dollars for ritzy ice cream, and this understandably leaves Iran's working class people a little resentful.

Of course, Iran isn't the only country in the world where an elite few get to indulge on odorless, tasteless gold as an edible treat. (Ahem, United States, we're looking at you.)

That said, overall poverty has actually declined in Iran, and government initiatives have served to improve the quality of life for those who remain economically disadvantaged. In areas like health care, for example, public programs have broadened the reach of basic services, so that more people in impoverished areas have benefited from things like family planning, medical services, and even basic health infrastructure, like piped water.

Take a look at this report from the Brookings Institute about poverty and income inequality in Iran. As you read, consider

• the difference between poverty and income inequality
• ways in which Iran has successfully addressed poverty since the revolution
• ways in which Iran's public policy has contributed to income inequality, and
• how poverty impacts people differently throughout Iran.

Coinciding and Cross-Cutting Cleavages

Just like pretty much everywhere else, Iran's internal conflicts don't sit in a vacuum, totally isolated from each other. Instead, a number of its cleavages are coinciding, or reinforcing, while others are cross-cutting.

So, what does that mean and how are those two concepts fit into Iranian society? In short, coinciding cleavages are those that overlap with each other. In Iran, for example, cleavages caused from income inequality and poverty often overlap with ethnic, gender, and religious cleavages. For example, the Boloch are an ethnic minority, a religious minority, are largely concentrated in a specific region in Iran, and are disproportionately impacted by poverty. Plus, the Boloch are generally among Iran's more religiously conservative citizens, which means that they follow strict gender roles. So, a Bolochi woman could potentially be impacted by at least six different cleavages, all of which feed into and exacerbate each other. Yeesh. That's a lot of hurdles for a Bolochi woman to overcome.

Cross-cutting cleavages, on the other hand, occur when two or more cleavages cut across each other, and lesson the burden of any one group to seek reform on its own. Unlike coinciding cleavages, which can heighten tension, cross-cutting cleavages can actually reduce conflict, because pressures across conflicts create bridges for people with seemingly different interests to work together.

So, in the same way that poverty can exacerbate gender disparities, gender and wealth can also be cross-cutting, because both women and the economically disadvantaged potentially share an interest in improving social programs, opening access to education, and improving human rights. It's sort of like a Team Beam in Captain Planet—with their powers combined, the Planeteers can totally fix the dam and save the world's water supply. Earth! Fire! Wind! Water! That other one that no one can remember!

Sample Lesson - Activity

Activity 5.05a: Debating Cleavages

In a cage match between multiple choice and free response questions, we'd probably put our money on the FRQs. It's not that multiple choice questions aren't tough—they are. But, at least in the world of multiple choice, you've got a handful of questions to choose from. With the FRQ, it's just you against the question.

Fortunately, you've got some time to master the art of the FRQ. So that, when you're stuck in a cage with it, you can show it who's boss. (You. You are the boss.)

This time around, though, you're going to hash it out with your peers. Because moral support.

Take a look at this sample short answer concept FRQ, which asks you to identify, explain, and analyze a term from the course.

Internal conflicts in Iran don't typically occur in isolation; instead, Iran's cleavages are often intersectional.

A. Define the term "coinciding cleavage."
B. Define the term "cross-cutting cleavage."
C. Identify at least two coinciding cleavages and two cross-cutting cleavages in Iran.
D. For one of the cleavages you've identified, explain and analyze the following:

1. how the cleavage has lead to conflict in Iran, using at least two examples of conflict
2. at least one policy that the government has considered and/or tried in response to the cleavage, and the outcome of that policy.

Step One

Depending on the type of FRQ, you'll have anywhere from an average of six to 20 minutes to give a complete answer. This one's a little on the long side, so you should think of it as a 20-minute question.

Yeah, we know, 20 minute's isn't a lot of time. It's not even a full, commercial-free episode of Modern Family. Blerg. But, even though 20 minutes seems like no time at all, you should spend at least a few minutes (we recommend five) outlining your answer.

So, do that now. And include examples in your outline, even if the question doesn't explicitly as for them.

Once you're finished, share what you've written and post your outline to the discussion board.

Step Two

Now, take a few minutes and review your peers' outlines. Consider:

• whether they missed anything that you noted
• whether you missed anything they noted
• if there's anything they included that you wish you'd put in your outline
• what answers were the most persuasive.

Write down your thoughts in a 75 – 100 word personal reflection, and post that to the discussion board.

Step Three

Now that you and your peers have combined forces—Go, Planeteers, go!—you've probably got all sorts of new ideas for how to craft the ideal FRQ. So, do that. Take about 20 minutes and write out a Mary Poppins-style FRQ response.

For those of you who haven't seen the Julie Andrews classic about a magic nanny, a "Mary Poppins-style" response means your answer should be practically perfect in every way. So, it should be detailed, accurate, rich with examples, and grammatically correct.

When you've finished, post your answers to the discussion board.

Sample Lesson - Activity

Activity 5.05b: Opium Underground: Secrets of the Golden Crescent

It may come as a surprise, but one of the biggest challenges facing Iran's government today isn't war, poverty, or education. (Those things are all super important though. Never underestimate the importance of war, poverty, and education.) Actually, Iran is battling a massive drug problem—it's one of the world's biggest heroin exporters, and millions of Iranian citizens are struggling with addiction.

So, why is Iran such a major player in the global heroin trade? And, what challenges do the government, and the Iranian people, face in the fight against drugs? Take a look at this Journeyman video, The Golden Crescent to learn a bit more about how the international war on drugs intersects with Iranian policy and society.

Take notes as you go, focusing on:

• the Iranian government's response to the drug trade
• how the drug trade impacts, and is impacted by, other cleavages in Iranian society
• how Iran's relationship with the international community has effected its response to the drug trade

Once you're finished with the video (it's just shy of 30 minutes), spend some time answering the questions below. Your responses should each be three to five complete sentences, and you should rely on examples from the video to support your answers.

Oh, one thing about the video: It's super interesting, but its captions are a little wonky. For example, when it means to say "Balochi" it actually says "blue cheese." It's like the filmmakers hired Siri as translator or something. We found it was a whole lot easier to turn the subtitles off and just listen really closely, going back when necessary. But that's us—maybe you want to read about how Iran's drug trade intersects with the blue cheese.