Confident, instructive

By the time Coolidge gave his Inaugural Address in 1925, he'd already been in the executive branch for four years, first as Vice President and then President when Warren Harding died in office. He'd won the 1924 election handily, and his policies seemed to be pretty popular and successful.

It's no wonder, then, that when reading this speech, you get a sense that he's very confident in his ideas. Yeah, it's true that a lot of presidential speeches have that tone, since politicians are supposed to be sure that their way is the best way, but here you don't see as many appeals to the people or Congress as you might see elsewhere.

Coolidge doesn't really ask for anything. He tells.

In fact, instead of appealing to the people, he instructs them. Instead of just inspirational talk, he explains why his policies are the proper ones. Sometimes it borders on scolding. This is a guy who clearly feels very sure that his approach is the right way forward for American prosperity and freedom.

Confident

Look at how Coolidge begins his speech:

Our own country is leading the world in the general readjustment to the results of the great conflict […] Already we have sufficiently rearranged our domestic affairs so that confidence has returned, business has revived, and we appear to be entering an era of prosperity which is gradually reaching into every part of the nation […] Because of what America is and what America has done, a firmer courage, a higher hope, inspires the heart of all humanity (1.2, 5, 7).

Not only are things great in America, but the country's become an inspiration to others. These are bold statements.

Similarly, when referring to American involvement in World War I, he reminds the audience,

We are not identified with any Old World interests. This position should be made more and more clear in our relations with all foreign countries. We are at peace with all of them. Our program is never to oppress, but always to assist. But while we do justice to others, we must require that justice be done to us (12.2-6).

Again, he's making a very big claim: the U.S. will always respond to come to others' aid, while remaining free from political entanglements of the Old World. Also, the U.S. will not allow itself to be taken advantage of.

He reminds the people that, "This Administration has come into power with a very clear and definite mandate from the people. The expression of the popular will in favor of maintaining our constitutional guarantees was overwhelming and decisive" (14.2-3). Or when he says, "This country believes in prosperity. It is absurd to suppose that it is envious of those who are already prosperous" (17.6-7).

Coolidge was elected in a landslide, so this made it easy for him to feel confident that Americans approved of his policies. And he could point to the nation's economic prosperity as proof that they were working.

Instructive

Coolidge's confidence in his own ideas and the state of the U.S. leads him to give a lot of advice in his speech. The sense is "I know what's up, and here's what needs to happen."

He justifies his mini U.S. history lesson by declaring that, "We cannot continue these brilliant successes in the future, unless we continue to learn from the past" (2.3). And he follows that lesson by advising that in order to remain American, "we must continue to make that term comprehensive enough to embrace the legitimate desires of a civilized and enlightened people" (5.1).

Then there's this section, when he's addressing foreign relations:

We cannot barter away our independence or our sovereignty, but we ought to engage in no refinements of logic, no sophistries, and no subterfuges, to argue away the undoubted duty of this country by reason of the might of its numbers, the power of its resources, and its position of leadership in the world, actively and comprehensively to signify its approval and to bear its full share of the responsibility of a candid and disinterested attempt at the establishment of a tribunal for the administration of even-handed justice between nation and nation. The weight of our enormous influence must be cast upon the side of a reign not of force but of law and trial, not by battle but by reason (9.3-4).

Remember that the U.S. was highly isolationist at this time, and only got involved in World War I when the Germans subs started sinking American ships. Coolidge was committed to staying out of any more foreign wars, but from these words you get the sense that he's sternly reminding people that the U.S. can't just hide from its international obligations.

He gets teach-y about domestic issues, too. He seems to be scolding politicians when he says, "There is no salvation in a narrow and bigoted partisanship. But if there is to be responsible party government, the party label must be something more than a mere device for securing office" (13.7-8). Even if you know nothing about 1920s politics, this gives you an idea that something unsavory is happening that Coolidge wants to stop.

He introduces his ideas on low taxation by reminding the people that, "We do not any longer need war-time revenues. The collection of any taxes which are not absolutely required […] is only a species of legalized larceny" (16.4-5). He's directing the approach to government economy here, without a lot of room for debate.

Perhaps the most scolding part of the speech comes when Coolidge talks about people obeying the law: "Those who want their rights respected under the Constitution and the law ought to set the example themselves of observing the Constitution and the law" (21.5). If not, he'll rap their knuckles with a ruler.

Inaugural addresses will generally have some degree of confidence—after all, this person has just been elected to lead the country and they have some strong ideas about what to do. But Coolidge's Inaugural Address really gives the impression that it's Coolidge's way or the highway, and that's the best thing for America. He's not aggressive or demanding, but very firm in his statements.

And occasionally, you can picture him wagging a finger at the audience.